Brief introduction to the speaker:

Wendell Willkie (1892-1944) Wendell WilIkie was a U.S. Lawyer and public utility executive, born. in Elwood, land., president Commonwealth and Southern Corporation from 1933 to 194o,Republican candidate for president 1940; author of One World.
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Good evening, America.

Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent. A new era of peace began. And for that era, the people of our western world, our democratic world held the highest hopes. Those hopes have not been fulfilled. The democratic way of life did not become stronger. It became weaker. The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp, and within the last year or so, the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe. We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe, and as we watch its approach, that important time for us, the national election of 1940. In that election, and in our attitudes after that election, the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action, an example of a great people, faithful to their constitution and to their elected representatives. The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply Millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it. The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history Nearly fifty mi1lion peop1e exercised, on November 5, the right of the franchise, the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations. Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere, here in America, men and women kept it triumphantly alive. No matter which side you were on on that day, remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain, in the ruined cities of France and Belgium, yes, perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.

In the campaign preceding this election, serious issues were at stake. People became bitter, many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid, or might have been worded more thoughtfully But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion, not a true reflection of what is in our hearts. I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine, I hope there is none in yours. We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President. He is your President, he is my President. We all of us owe him the respect due to his high office, we give him that respect. We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people. It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules. The function of the minority, however, is equally fundamental. It is about the function of that minority twenty-two mil1ion people, nearly half of our electorate, that I wish to talk to you tonight. 

A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong, alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years. We must constitute ourselves a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world, the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority This would mean that in the United States of America, there would be only one dominant party only one economic philosophy only one political philosophy of life. This is a totalitarian idea, it is a slave idea, it must be rejected utterly The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor, yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion. In the continued debates of the House of Commons, and the House of Lords, all of the government's policies, its taxation, its expenditure, its military and naval policies, its basic economic policies, are brought under steady friendly loyal, critical review Britain survives free. Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.

In Britain, some opposition party leaders are members of the government, and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government. When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet, he becomes, from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr. Churchill's. This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament. It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman, a lofty Chairman indeed, and yet but a Chairman. The other members are his colleagues. With us, the situation as you well know is different. Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch. Our President is independent of our Congress. The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues, they are his administrative subordinates. They are subject to his orders. An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration. It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing. These representatives must concur in the President's convictions. If they do not, they have no alternatives except to resign. C1early no such device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and 1ninority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare. Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity Our American unity cannot be made with words, or with gestures, It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the p0licies 0f the Administration. Ours is a government of the principles, and not one merely of men. Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government. This right is embedded in our constitutional system. We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless retain the right, and I will say the duty, to debate the course of our government. Ours is a two-party system, should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would col1apse and we would have dictatorship.____ to you, who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause, which you chose me to lead, I say your function during the next four years is that of the 1oyal opposition. You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election, and principles are not like a footba1l suit to be put on in order to play a game, and then taken off when the game is over. It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this, or any other administration; and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government. Now let me however, raise a single warning, ours is a very powerful opposition. On November 5, we were a minority by only a few million votes, but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition. Ours must not be an opposition against, it must be an opposition for, an opposition for a strong America, a productive America, for only the productive can be strong, and only the strong can be free.

And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be. We, of the opposition, have consistently recommended that, but the day of witch-hunting must be over. If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart, and I assume it has, it must consider, without prejudice, and with an open mind, such recommendations of the opposition. National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition. Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise, the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart, or to bind us together

And now a word about the most important, the immediate task that confronts this nation. on this, all Americans are at one purpose, there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America- We stand united behind the defense program, but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one. It is to be constantly watchful, to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted. And in so far as l have the privilege to speak for you, I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the ream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment. This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense. On this point, I think I can say without boast, that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front. However, I believe that our age should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval, accord and ratification of Congress. Only thus can the people determine from time to time, the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.

Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected, we would keep this country out of war unless attacked. Mr. Roosevelt was re-elected, and this solemn pledge for him, I know will be fulfi1led, and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.

Since November 5, I have received thousands and thousands of letters, as a matter of fact, tens of thousands of them, I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched. They come from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people. They come from Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Christians, colored people and white people. They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen; men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life. All of these letters and telegrams, almost without exception, urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on. In your enthusiasm for our cause, you founded thousands of organizations, they are your own organizations, financed by you and directed by you. It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you fee1 so inclined. I hope you do continue them. It is not, however, appropriate to continue these organizations in my name. I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual. I feel too deeply about it for that. 1944 will take care of itself

It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought. My fight for those principles has just begun, I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past. As Woodrow Wilson once said, "I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."

Whatever I may undertake in the coming years, I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life, for the better understanding of our economic system, and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile, let us be proud, let us be happy in the fight that we have made. We have brought our cause to the attention of the world. Millions have welcomed it. As time goes on, millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts: with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right. Let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation-s wounds, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.

Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you.　

演讲者简介：

文德水·威基生于印第安那州衣尔伍德，是美国律师和公共事业行政长官。1933－1940年，他任朕邦和南方公司总裁。1940年总统大选中是共和党候选人。著有《一个世界》一书。
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晚上好，美国！
　　二十二年前的今天，一场席卷欧洲战场的重大战争结束了。枪声平息了。一个新的和平时代来临。西方民主社今对此寄予厚望。但那些期望并未突现。民主之势不强反弱。宪制政府的理念如残烛之光摇曳不定，去年更是从欧洲大陆上彻底消失。我们美国在看着黑暗降临欧洲，而此时，我们迎来了一个举足轻重的时刻——一九四零年全国大选。那次大选以及人民对大选的态度，向世界其他地区显示了一个真实民主的典范，人个伟大人民忠于宪法和当选者的典范。大选前的竞选运动深深打动了我们。数百万名从未热心于政治的群众参加进来。他们成群结队地涌向投票处，人数之众，史无前例。近五千万选民在11月5日那天行使了他们的选举权，这一我们从先辈手中接过，必须珍惜，并让它代代相传的宝贵权利。这样，无论其他什么地方的民主政府被摧毁，在美国，人们都会将这个权利发扬光大。大选那天无论你支持那一方，请记住，我们这种体现对于民主政府的信心的行动，会给予无数身处不列颠英勇的岛屿的、身处法兰西和比利时废墟城市的，甚至可能是身处德国和意大利的人们，带去希望。这行动已给所有渴望自由的人以希望。

　　投票前的竞选中，对敏感问题的争论十分激烈。人们变得尖刻，说了许多心平气和时不会说或措辞过激的话。但是我们美国人知道这是被扭曲了的，不是我们内心真实的写照。我可以开诚布公地说我心中没有尖刻，但愿你们也没有。我们选富兰克林·罗斯福做总统。他既是你们的总统，也是我的总统。他身处要职，我们应该尊重他，我们也确实尊重他。为了国家，我们将尽全力支持他，同时祈求上帝在随后的四年中，指引他完成管理人民事务这一至上的使命。这是以多类人为统治的民主制度的基本原则。但少数派的作用也同样重要。这是二千二百万人，约占选民总人数的一半人的作用。这个作用正是今晚我想向大家谈的。

　　民主要想稳步运行，一个强大的、警醒的反对派必不可少。这就是今后四年我们的任务。我们必须将自己建成一个生机勃勃、忠心耿耿、顺应民意的反对党。有人建议，力了对威胁我们的世界组成统一战绩，少数派现在不应谴责多数派，而应加入多数派。这就意味着在美利坚合众国，只有一个执政党、一套经济原理、一种政治理论。远是极权主人的想法，甘为奴隶的想法，必须坚决反封。英国人凭着历史上绝无仅有的忍耐力和勇猛，统一成一个整体，与之俱在丝毫未减的自由批评和建议。上议院与下议院的辩声不绝，政府所有的政策--税收政策、财政支出、军事与海上政策以及基本的经济政策，都是在经过坚定、友好、忠实和挑剔的检查后出台的。自由在英国得以幸存。让我们美国人选择不少于此的自由。

在英国，一些反对党的领袖是政府成员，有人建议美国也采用类似的作法。这是一个错误的概念。当英国自由党的领袖或一个英国工党的成员成为丘吉尔内阁的成员时，依照英国议会规定，其权力等同于丘吉尔先生。因为英国的内阁是一个议会委员会，委员会成员人人平等。首相是该委员会的主席，地位尊贵，但也仅此而已。其他成员都是他的同事。大家知道我们的情况是不同的。我们的行政部门并不是立法部门的委员全。总统与国会各自独立，内阁成员是总统的行政下属而不是总统的同事，听命于总统。哪怕内阁全部由反对党组成，政府仍然不会是一个两党统治的政府，而是一个由多数党的总统向由他选拔的少数党代表发号施令的政府。总统的意见与他们相左时，这些代表必须赞成，否则只能辞职。显然，在我们这样的国家，这样做不是真正的一致，而是虚幻的一致，不可能就国家安定在多数党和少数党之间达成体现各自意见的共识。美国的一致不是由话语或手势构成的，而是由执政党的实践和政策与反对党的意见融会而成。我们的政府是原则的政府，而不仅是人的政府。少数党的任何成员，即使愿意为国捐躯，仍持有批评政府政策的权利。这个权利铭刻在我们的宪法制度上。那些时刻准备听从总司令的命令服务国家的人们，仍拥有评论政府方针路线的权利---用我的话来说是义务。我们的体制是两党制，一旦允许完全由一党执政，民主即刻土崩瓦解，专政统治取而代之。所以，对你们——为我们的事业真挚奉献的人们，你们选我当你们的领袖，我要说、以后四年我们要做一个忠实的反对派。你们对最近选举中我们主张的原则深信不疑，原则不象足球服，场上穿，场下脱。检讨各行政机关的政策，向所在州和国家政府充当你们的代表的人们自由地、坦诚地发表意见，这是宪法赋予你们的义务。现在，让我提醒大家，我们是一个强有力的反对党。11月5日，我们只得到几百万张选票，但我们不要因此而偏激，为了反对而反对。我们的反对不是要毁掉，而是要建设强大、富饶的美国，因为只有富饶才能强大，只有强大才能自由。

最后，政府必须改变对大小事务一律惩罚的态度。必须制定有关法规。我们反对党应该不断提醒，政治迫害的日子必须结束。如果政府心中有美国整体—一我假设是有的—一就一定会不怀偏已地、胸怀坦荡地考虑反对党的这一建议。只有认识到反对党意见的重要性，并给予高度的重视，全国上下才能成为一个整体。这取决于执政党自身。不和谐、不一致皆因压制反对党。执政党可以强迫我们解散，一但也可以将我们团结起来。

现在我要讲讲国家面临的最重要，最紧迫的任务。在这一点上，全体美国人民目标一致，那就是保卫祖国。尽管身处后方，但作为反对党，我们扮演着重要的角色。这就是始终警醒，确保美国人民得到有效的防卫，我们通过的用于此目的的庞大的开支不被浪费。就此我有权对你们说，我再一次重申：希望通过提供物资和装备，帮助英国以及其它国家维持国家的自由。我们应该在适当考虑自身防卫的同时，尽力给予他们帮助。对于这一点，我可以豪不自夸地说，在历届美国总统竞选中，没有任何一位候选人象我这样不遗余力地促进统一战线的建立。然而，这一切应该通过宪法给予，得到国会的认同和批准。只有这样，人民才能不时决定他们愿意采取的路线和作出的冒险尝试。

竞选时，我和罗斯福先生都承诺，如果我们当选，我们将避免美国卷入战争，除非遭人攻击。罗斯福先生再次当选，我知道他一定会兑现诺言，我也知道美国人民期望他信守这一庄严承诺。

11月5日以来，我收到了成千上万封信。我亲自拜读了其中的大部分。我为之深深感动。这些信来自各地、各种人。有天主教徒，又有新教徒，有犹太教徒，又有基督教徒，有黑人，又有白人。这些信来自组成美国生活的各行各业、男男女女，有工人，也有农民，有文员，也有商人。所有这些信和电报，一无例外，强烈要求将我们为之奋斗的事业继续下去。出于对这一事业的热忱，你们成立了数以千计的组织。那是你们自己的组织。是你们自筹资金自己领导的组织。只要你们愿意，就请继续下去。我也希望你们能继续下去。但不宜以我的名义。我不愿意这一伟大的事业因此而被削弱，仅仅因为我个人表面上有着某些优于他人之处。对此我深有感触。这样，1944年的大选自会平安无事。

我深信民主主义硕果累累，希望看到所有的人献身于我们为之奋斗的原则中去。我个人为此的奋斗才刚刚开始，我将一如既往地倡导它们。正如伍德罗·威尔逊曾经说的：“我宁愿在终将成功的事业中遭受失败，也不愿在必定失败的事业里享受成功。”

　　来年无论我从事什么，都会与你们肩并肩，一起为保卫我们自由的生活，为更好地贯彻经济制度，为寄望于我们每一个人的新美国的发展而努力。同时，让我们在战斗中自豪和快乐。我们的事业已经引起了世界的关注，受到无数人的欢迎。当时光流逝，会有更多的人在其中发现他们一直找寻的希望。让我们用亚伯拉罕，林肯的一句名言继续下去：“对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，按上帝的指引坚诗正义。”让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。”

晚安，愿上帝保佑并眷顾你们每一位。